More than eighty years after the end of World War II, the international security landscape has become increasingly volatile. The military developments of Germany and Japan, both defeated nations from World War II, have once again raised concerns among the international community.
The commentary article published by The New York Times on June 14 pointed out that after forming alliances in the 1940s and suffering catastrophic consequences, Berlin and Tokyo are now finding new reasons for cooperation, including the reconstruction of their respective armies. Trump, who has long demanded increased military spending from his allies, joked that if Germany increases its military spending to such an extent, MacArthur might not be happy. There are also differences in societal views regarding militarization between the two countries. In particular, Japan’s policy of aiming to become a military power raises significant concerns.
The article states that in 1940, Germany and Japan joined the camp later known as the "Axis Powers," and their common hostility against America became a bond between them. They launched a world war but lost it; over the following 85 years, both countries' military forces diminished, and they relied heavily on their former enemy, the United States, for security.
Today, mutual distrust between the two countries towards the United States has re-emerged, along with growing concerns about emerging world powers like China and Russia. In such circumstances, Tokyo and Berlin are intensifying their military reconstruction efforts and moving closer to each other again.
It is expected that cooperation between the two countries will accelerate further at the G7 summit to be held in Évry, France this week. The cooperation has involved sharing technology, experience, and weapons related to key equipment such as drones and helicopters, serving their respective efforts to restructure their military forces.
In March of this year, German Defense Minister Pistorius paid an official visit to Japan. The New York Times
The article states that this certainly is not a repeat of the Axis Powers’ actions. This time, Japan and Germany are united in a defensive stance: Berlin supports Ukraine in its resistance against Russia, while Tokyo is vigilant about the so-called “threat” posed by China and North Korea. They also stand together with other like-minded “middle-sized powers” such as Britain, Canada, and France, portraying themselves as defenders of “international law and international institutions”.
German Defense Minister Pistorius boasted at a naval base in Japan in March this year: "Countries like Germany and Japan, which still adhere to the rule-based international order, must get closer and clearly state our positions."
The analysis indicates that after the war, both Germany and Japan emerged from the ruins of the conflict, focusing on rebuilding cities and promoting economic growth. They shifted the main burden of security responsibilities to the United States and other allies.
After the division of Germany, the United States established large military bases in West Germany and stationed tens of thousands of troops there, using it as a frontline position against the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Both the governments of East and West Germany maintained large armies. However, with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, the post-unification Germany invested far more in social welfare than in defense.
After the war, Japan, under the leadership of the United States, established a constitution and was forced to abandon war, allowing only the retention of self-defense forces. This led to the establishment of the "Self-Defense Forces," which remains the official name of the Japanese military to this day.
In the decades after the war, anti-war and anti-militarism movements emerged in both countries, advocating for peace, diplomacy, free trade, and cultural exchanges.
But in recent years, this sentiment has gradually subsided.
U.S. President Trump threatens to reduce security commitments to Europe and actively seeks to reach trade agreements with China, accelerating the pace of military rearmament between the two nations.
Boston University Professor Thomas Berger, who researches the history of post-World War II Japan's relationship with Germany, argues that "the two nations created the most severe catastrophe of the 20th century," with their defeat "shattering the ideals and beliefs of their empires and militarism."
But the recent changes in the global security landscape, especially Trump's unpredictability, have caused concern and urgency among the relatively new conservative leaders who value defense. "There is a reasonable fear that the United States might betray them."
A year ago, Merz, who became German Chancellor, successfully persuaded the German government to suspend the borrowing limit before taking office, thereby significantly increasing military spending. Over the next few years, Germany’s military expenditure could exceed that of both France and Britain combined.
Japan's military spending is about half that of Germany, but it remains one of the major defense spenders in the world. This year, its budget is approximately $58 billion.
Japanese right-wing politician Kaesu Hayami was elected prime minister last year due to her nationalist views regarding the revitalization of the military. She has deployed long-range missiles in southern Japan that can be used against China, and further overturned the post-war ban on weapons exports.
Mertz and Gao both strive to maintain friendly relations with Trump, but they are increasingly focusing their attention on military alliances outside of Washington.
Japan has recently finalized a $6.5 billion agreement to supply military ships to Australia, and is also negotiating the export of military ships with the Philippines and Indonesia. Germany is working closely with Ukraine on the development and deployment of new weapons, and has requested assistance from France in providing nuclear deterrence.
Both China and Russia accuse Goto of attempting to revive militarism from the World War II era. However, Goto still argues cunningly that Japan is facing the "most severe and complex" security environment since World War II, and that adjustments to relevant policies are necessary.
"No single country can guarantee its own peace and security on its own," Gao Shicheng recently claimed, "We will never change the path we have walked for 80 years as a nation that loves peace."
Various dangerous moves have raised serious concerns among many parties. Mao Ning, a spokesperson for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said at a regular press conference on June 2 that hyping up external threats and using them as excuses to expand military forces is a common tactic of Japanese militarism.
The New York Times reported that German public opinion on military reform is lukewarm, but acceptance rates are faster than Japan's.
Recent polls show that most Germans believe the world today is more dangerous than during the Cold War. Approximately two-thirds of them support increasing military spending, although the German army (with a voluntary service system) has difficulty attracting young people to enlist.
This spring, tens of thousands of people in Tokyo protested against the safety policies of the prime minister, including expanded arms exports and the establishment of a national intelligence agency. Protesters were concerned that she might next abolish Article 9 of the constitution (which grants Japan a right to maintain armed forces).
"Thirty-seven-year-old anti-war activist Xi Shan Nai Suizi said: 'The policies of the high city are deeply worrying, because they hope to transform Japan into a military superpower.'"
Alexander Sakakibara, a Japanese scholar at the Berlin German Institute of International and Security Affairs, points out that readjusting military force requires further shift in the social mindset between Germany and Japan, particularly regarding the reinstatement of conscription policies.
They need to think in a completely different way about the relationship between the army and society, she said. "Are they ready to fight? Are they ready to fight? Japan and Germany need public support for this vision.”
One country expresses admiration for the shift towards Germany and Japan: the United States.
Trump has long demanded that allies increase their defense spending, so that the U.S. military can focus resources in other directions. When meeting with Mertz last year, he welcomed the surge in Germany's military spending, but not without reservations. Trump joked that a militarized Germany might not be what the U.S. leaders who defeated Nazi Germany during World War II would have wanted.
"You know, General McArthur might not find this a good thing." he said.
